CREATIVE INNOVATION: Marginalized interests and ethnic diversities are impacted by indifference

An Aware Redestrian Series forum

While helping to make our cities inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable civil society plays a vital role. 

City neighborhood districts have proven to be hotbeds of unemployment, violence, drug abuse and early pregnancies. 

“Although challenges of urban life and the modern world exist, policies to tackle these problems should include the provision of decent affordable housing, quality education, and equal job opportunities.”

‘The attitude of indifference believes…

“Affirmative Action & Diversity Human Inclusion programs DO NOT benefit the democratic process when corrupt content purchaser omnni-channels are funneled into asset wealth marketing banking schemes or other financial divisions.

‘A very good example of deeply rooted indifference according to

Yahoo Finance
Tristan Bove in an article written on January 12, 2023, 2:50 p.m.
AARP and J.P. Morgan Asset Management are announcing the formation of the AARP Innovation Fund, a first of its kind investment fund with approximately $40 million in assets that will provide capital to innovative companies focusing on improving the lives of people 50-plus.

A fintech startup bought by JP Morgan Chase for millions may have been built on a bed of lies, according to a new lawsuit filed by JP Morgan.

If the investment bank is to be believed, it all went wrong with an $18,000 check to a New York City-area data science professor named Charlie Javice.

On Dec. 22, JP Morgan filed a lawsuit against Charlie Javice, the millennial founder of student aid facilitating platform Frank, and the company’s chief growth officer Olivier Amar. 

JP Morgan claiming the pair fabricated around 4 million nonexistent accounts that they said used their service, which JP Morgan purchased for $175 million in Sep. 2021.

The investment bank shut down Frank on Thursday, weeks after the suit was first filed.

The bank maintains in its lawsuit that while it had been expecting to purchase a business “deeply engaged with the college-aged market segment” with over 4 million users, what it actually received was a customer list containing “no more than 300,000” accounts.

“When civic space begins to shrink, intolerance rises.”


Specifically defined ethnic diversities may not significantly improve government responsiveness. 

Legislative and law enforcement oversight concerning content purchaser buyer decisions can establish expedient checks and balances in an “Asset & Wealth Banking Department industrial complex aimed a marginalized communities.”

“Legislators from non-divergent backgrounds are available to discuss a wide range of solutions to diversity compliance and implementation policies.”

Continuous public accountability beyond electoral competition and status quo constituency influences diversity infrastructure theory.

Climate change, human rights initiatives, education financing, jobs for youth, improving livelihoods and protecting neighborhoods can’t explain why and how minority legislators keep minority interests on the congressional agenda.  

Only increased diversity in the House and to a lesser extent in the Senate is responsible for keeping minority interests on the congressional agenda (Hero and Tolbert 1995; Swain 1993; Themstrom 1987).  

Many theorists contend that the presence of minority legislators alone is not sufficient to confer benefits for representation. 

Marginalization and small numbers may limit the influence of minority legislators in the public policy-making process (Guinier 1995; Hawkesworth 2003; Phillips 1995; Williams 1998).

Thus, the extent to which diversity improves congressional attention to the interests of marginalized groups is still unresolved agenda. 

Developing cities become denser, and more diverse in terms of ethnicity, religion, physical ability, sexual orientation, and economic status.

Relying on current relevant studies to assess the impact of diversity on the political representation of minority interests is problematic for two reasons. 

First, claims regarding diversity have come largely from research that examines how well individual legislators from The House of Representatives represent constituents in their districts. 

These individual-level studies provide a limited picture of the impact of diversity on Congress because the vast majority of racial and ethnic minorities in the United States are not descriptively represented. 

African-American, Latino, or Asian-American legislators arguably receive empowerment benefits gained from descriptive representation. 

Potential areas for future research around descriptive representation can assess how growing diversity in the 118th Congress may matter for the numerous challenges the black community faces. This is especially true in the U.S. Senate. 

Consequently, we know very little about why the presence of a small number of racial or ethnic minority legislators improves congressional attention to the interests of minorities.

Balanced, and targeted universalist rhetoric by congruent political activists exacting marginalized community interests conveys certain race policy strategies.

Disparaging marginalized people’s, radical distancing, moderate progressivism and Universalism rhetoric is effectively representing minority concerns regardless of whether the legislator is from a marginalized background. 

Moreover, understanding how Congress collectively represents various constituencies including racial and ethnic minorities remains an important concern for political representation scholars (Weissberg 1978).  

Favored statements of color-blind universalism regarding civil-rights issues or perceived racial-issues, only presents the case of unbalanced representation of marginalized people’s concerns.

Second, most studies of political representation in the U.S. and especially The Senate finds that the less diverse Senate is not responsive, and is often hostile to the interests of racial and ethnic minorities.

Primarily because of mal-apportionment (Griffin 2006; Lee and Oppenheimer 1999) any system where one group has significantly more influence than another, such as when voting districts are unevenly spread out across a population (compare gerrymandering).

This analysis builds on earlier Pew Research Center work to analyze the racial and ethnic makeup of the U.S. Congress. To determine the number of racial and ethnic minority lawmakers.

We used data from the Congressional Research Service. U.S. population data comes from the U.S. Census Bureau. Historical data was pulled from CQ Roll Call, CRS and the Brookings Institution. All racial groups refer to single-race non-Hispanics. Hispanics are of any race.

A quarter of voting members of the U.S. Congress identify their race or ethnicity as something other than non-Hispanic White, making the 118th Congress the most racially and ethnically diverse to date. 

This continues a long-running trend toward more racial and ethnic diversity on Capitol Hill: This is the seventh Congress to see descriptive representation recognized increases.

Overall, 133 senators and representatives today identify as Black, Hispanic, Asian American, American Indian or Alaska Native, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of data from the Congressional Research Service.

This number has nearly doubled in the two decades since the 108th Congress of 2003-05, which had 67 minority members.

Our analysis of the 118th Congress reflects the 534 voting members of Congress as of Jan. 3, 2023. Portuguese American members are not included in the Hispanic count.

The vast majority (80%) of racial and ethnic minority members in the new Congress are Democrats, while 20% are Republicans.

This split is similar to the previous Congress, when 83% of non-White lawmakers were Democrats and 17% were Republicans.

Despite growing racial and ethnic diversity on Capitol Hill, members of Congress are still far more likely than the overall U.S. population to be non-Hispanic White (75% vs. 59%).

This gap is about as wide as it was in 1981, when 94% of members of Congress were White, compared with 80% of the U.S. population.

In the new House of Representatives, 27 freshman members – including 19 Democrats and eight Republicans – are racial or ethnic minorities. In the last Congress, 16 freshman representatives – including seven Democrats and nine Republicans – were non-White.

Representation of some racial and ethnic groups in the House is now on par with their share of the total U.S. population, while others continue to lag behind.

For example, 13% of House members are Black, about equal to the total share of Black Americans. And American Indians and Alaska Natives now make up about 1% of both the House and the U.S. population.

On the other hand, the share of Hispanic representatives in the House is much lower than the Hispanic share of the U.S. population (11% vs. 19%).

Asian Americans, meanwhile, account for 4% of House members and 6% of the national population.

This analysis includes four representatives who have more than one racial or ethnic identity: Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Va., is counted as Black and Asian.

Democratic Rep. Ritchie Torres of New York identifies as Black and Hispanic.

Rep. Marilyn Strickland, D-Wash., is both the first Black lawmaker to represent the state and one of the first Korean American women to be elected to Congress.

And Democratic Florida Rep. Maxwell Alejandro Frost, the first Generation Z member of Congress, is both Black and Hispanic.

When it comes to the upper chamber of Congress, 12 senators are members of a racial or ethnic minority group, up slightly from 11 in the 117th Congress. Six senators are Hispanic, two are Asian, three are Black and one is American Indian.

Four of the 12 non-White senators are Republicans: Tim Scott of South Carolina is Black, and Marco Rubio of Florida and Ted Cruz of Texas are both Hispanic. Markwayne Mullin of Oklahoma, a member of the Cherokee nation, is the first American Indian to serve in the Senate in almost two decades.

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